On Saturday, two teenagers were arrested outside Gracie Mansion after lobbing improvised explosive devices during a chaotic scene as a rally organized by far-right figure Jake Lang was met by a larger counterprotest that arose around it. The teens, Emir Balat and Ibrahim Nikk Kayumi, were charged by federal prosecutors, who claimed that they had been radicalized by ISIS.
We’re awaiting additional detail on how and when this radicalization happened. But so far it appears to be the kind of individual online process that security experts have long warned was on the rise, with people indoctrinating themselves based on widely available material online.
It also came just days after I wrote about my fear that domestic attacks in the aftermath of Trump’s undeclared war against Iran would be used to justify emergency national security measures and to ward off efforts to rein in the Department of Homeland Security’s immigration crackdown. Indeed, the hand-wringing began almost immediately, with The Wall Street Journal’s editorial board, for example, attempting to tie the attack to the ongoing DHS funding shutdown forced by congressional Democrats as part of that effort to restrain agencies like ICE.
Alarm over the alleged bombs has somewhat obscured the reason that the crowd had gathered outside Gracie Mansion, the Upper East Side official residence of New York Mayor Zohran Mamdani: the rally organized as a provocation by Lang, a pardoned Jan. 6 rioter turned right-wing influencer who showed up with a handful of followers and a goat.
There have been 10,000 scandals since President Donald Trump returned to office, but I do think the mass pardoning of the Jan. 6 rioters on the first day of his second term is one of the worst, for a few reasons. At this point, more than 30 of them have been rearrested, charged or sentenced for new crimes. Just last week, insurrectionist Andrew Paul Johnson was sentenced to life in prison for sex crimes against children, having promised his victims money that he expected to get from a government payout over his Jan. 6 conviction.
Beyond the reoffenses, the pardoning sent a pretty clear message that pardons will be on offer not only for Trump’s top henchmen like Roger Stone and Paul Manafort but for individuals who are willing to carry out his agenda, legal or not. This week, we learned that a whistleblower reported to the Social Security Administration’s Inspector General that a former DOGE staffer told colleagues he had downloaded databases with sensitive information on hundreds of millions of people from the SSA’s systems and wanted to shop them around to his new private sector employer. He allegedly told one colleague that he expected to receive a pardon if he were to be caught and charged with the crime.
Whether or not he would actually get such a pardon is sort of beyond the point. Who knows how many people in and out of government are doing things like this, believing that they are effectively immune from federal prosecution. It’s certainly conceivable that some in the military have been more comfortable following orders to, for example, fire on civilian boats (a practice that is continuing, though it’s been overshadowed by the war in Iran and other military adventures) with the conviction that they will not ultimately face any federal prosecutorial consequences.
The pardons have also left a litany of people like Lang as micro-celebrities in the far-right space. Having established their credibility through the insurrection, they’re now free to agitate and spin conspiracies and organize events like this fiasco outside Gracie Mansion. I won’t call it a demonstration or a protest because there really wasn’t anything in particular that they seemed to be demonstrating against. It was pure provocation, a signal that Lang and his ideological allies would never accept a Muslim like Mamdani as mayor and could bring that message to his doorstep with a symbolically significant cooked pig, a message not dissimilar to the sorts of anti-Muslim provocations that have become commonplace in democratically backsliding India.
Lang had shown up the day before in Washington Square Park during a protest and counterprotest over the U.S. strikes in Iran and the killing of Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, shouting anti-Muslim bigotry while reportedly performing a simulated sex act on a live goat. He had previously been driven out of an anti-Muslim, pro-ICE rally he tried to organize in Minneapolis shortly after the killings of Renee Good and Alex Pretti by federal officers. Lang is the apex of a certain kind of nihilistic right-wing agitator that has arisen particularly in the last six or so years, dimly ideological but mainly interested in mayhem that can be weaponized to further erode our sense of community and trust in institutions.
His type of language has bled into the discourse at all levels of government. New York City Councilmember Vickie Paladino of Queens this week is suing the Council for its plans to hold ethics hearings over her tweets around Mamdani, which included calling for the “expulsion of Muslims from western nations” and suggesting the mayor should be denaturalized. By contrast, just seven years ago, Rep. Steve King was stripped of his House committee assignments and faced heavy pressure to resign after defending the idea of white nationalism in language that now seems relatively run of the mill for MAGA politicians.
I don’t mean to say that a figure like Lang isn’t a genuine racist or a genuine Islamophobe; I’m sure he is. But unlike some rabble-rousers past, I think he and his ilk are less interested in trying to build some kind of public case for their bigotry or enforce racial and ethnic hierarchies than in building their personal brands and generating chaos — the logic of our influencer economy extended to the spread of hate. In some ways, it’s the same approach as the administration itself, with Trump seeming to change the public objectives around his policies and warmongering depending on what seems to be playing well online and on TV. Who can forget the photos of Trump and top aides in a makeshift situation room at Mar-a-Lago during the operation against Venezuelan leader Nicolás Maduro, with a Twitter search for “Venezuela” visible on a screen in the background.
In some ways, this business outside Gracie Mansion this weekend pulled together a lot of strands that explain our contemporary moment, from online radicalization to the fascination with Mamdani’s communication style to the aftermath of the Jan. 6 pardons to ever-more-common political violence, which itself seems geared towards triggering greater repression. We should all be paying attention.
